Thursday, 6 September 2012

Foreign Firms Most Affected by a U.S. Law Barring Bribes


A law intended to prohibit the payment of bribes to foreign officials by United States businesses has produced more than $3 billion in settlements. But a list of the top companies making these settlements is notable in one respect: its lack of American names.

Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer says overseas companies are starting to comply better with an anti-bribery law.

The companies that have reached the biggest settlements under the law, known as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, include Siemens, the German engineering giant; Daimler, the maker of Mercedes-Benz vehicles; Alcatel-Lucent, the French telecommunications company; and the JGC Corporation, a Japanese consulting company. The lone American company in the top 10 is KBR, the former Kellogg Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, the Texas oil services company. As a group, they have paid nearly $3.2 billion in settlements.
Since the law was enacted in 1977, the definition of “American” has expanded greatly to include foreign companies that are listed on United States stock exchanges, sell securities in the country or do business here. At the same time, foreign companies that turn to “facilitation payments” and other forms of under-the-table dealings with local officials in far-flung places have run afoul of the act, either because of cultural differences in business dealings or because of failure to recognize the breadth of the law.
“These big settlements are with sprawling, multinational companies,” said Andy Spalding, a law professor at the University of Richmond and a contributing editor to the F.C.P.A. Blog, which tracks the top settlements. “Yet they are based, in part, in the United States. A culture of compliance may be slower to take in other countries, and many are not aware of the rapid escalation of F.C.P.A. cases or its broad jurisdictional scope.”

The best-known case is that of Siemens, which paid $800 million to the United States and another $800 million to Germany to settle a corruption investigation. Even though the financial settlements took place in 2008, the criminal case against eight former executives continues. In December, they were charged with paying $100 million in bribes to Argentine officials, including former President Carlos Menem, to secure a $1 billion contract for Siemens. All eight executives live in Argentina, Germany or Switzerland, and none have been arrested or extradited — a long and complicated process.

The Siemens case is illustrative. The bribery took place in Argentina. The people offering the bribes were not American, and the people demanding them were Argentine officials. Siemens is a German company. The hook for the United States was that Siemens’s securities traded in the United States.
In the Daimler case, the company admitted that its subsidiary in Russia had bribed local officials, that a German subsidiary had made payments to Croatian officials using an American shell company and that improper payments had been made to Chinese officials in an effort to persuade the officials to buy Daimler vehicles. Some of the money flowed through United States bank accounts, and Daimler has extensive operations in the United States. 

Peter Y. Solmssen, general counsel at Siemens, said European companies were only now becoming aware that the law applied to them. This is in part because of the attention given to his company’s case.
“U.S. companies have been living with this law a lot longer than European companies,” Mr. Solmssen said. “It’s been part of their awareness. Our case was a real watershed. It woke up a lot of people in Europe. There had not been a lot of headline cases before that to make people sit up and take notice.”
There is a “culture in many northern European companies that they have to do these things to get business,” he said. “Our message is that they don’t have to.”
It some ways, the foreign cases were easy pickings for the Justice Department: the behavior was obvious, and the cases fairly clear-cut. Many of the settlements involved events that took place a decade ago, before companies, especially foreign ones, were fully aware of the extent of the law or realized that it applied to them. 

Given the many years it takes to develop and prosecute these cases, some of them are reaching the settlement stage only now, even if the companies have since halted the practices that landed them in trouble.
“Many of these are ‘cash cow’ cases for Justice,” said Michael Koehler, an assistant professor at the Southern Illinois University School of Law who also writes the F.C.P.A. Professor blog. “It’s a government program that is profitable to the U.S. Treasury. Even more, the U.S. feels that if the home countries are not going to prosecute, the U.S. has a moral obligation to do so.”
Moreover, in a world where businesses operate in an almost borderless fashion, it is often hard to determine what is domestic and what is foreign.

“The world is flat,” said Matthew T. Reinhard, a lawyer at Miller & Chevalier in Washington who represents corporations in cases brought under the law. “You could be based on Mars and Justice will come after you. There was a period before Siemens when the culture of compliance was not as prevalent in foreign-based companies as those in the U.S. But there is a cultural shift, and the U.S. is on the crest of this wave.”

 In addition, the United States law is much tougher and broader in scope than anticorruption laws in many other countries. Typically, laws to root out corporate bribery elsewhere in the world apply only to top corporate officials, not to all employees, as the United States law does.
Multimedia
Justice Department officials argue that it is in the United States’s interest to prosecute corporate bribery wherever it takes place. American executives have long complained that they are at a disadvantage when competing for overseas business against bribe-paying foreign competitors. Department officials say that by prosecuting foreign companies, they are seeking to level the playing field — and to end the grumbling from American executives. 

Lanny A. Breuer, an assistant United States attorney general who has made such cases one of his signature efforts, said he maintained an evenhanded approach in his pursuit of corporate bribe-payers. It is just that foreign companies are only now beginning to catch up to their American counterparts in altering their behavior, he said. 

“Over all, we have pursued cases against American and foreign companies equally,” Mr. Breuer said in an interview. He acknowledged that the top 10 settlements were skewed toward foreign companies, but said: “I am convinced that we are calling it down the middle. Some years we are criticized for it being too much American, other years that it is too much international. It is usually from the very same critics.”

Of the 78 companies now under investigation for suspected violations of the law, most are American — among them Alcoa, Goldman Sachs, Pfizer and Wal-Mart. Avon disclosed in a regulatory filing last month that it was in talks to settle an investigation into whether it had paid bribes to foreign officials.
Jeffrey M. Kaplan, a lawyer in Princeton, N.J., who specializes in cases brought under the corruption act, said there was “something strange” about the fact that nine of the top 10 settlements involved foreign companies. But he added that when the specifics of the cases were examined, “no one would feel sorry for these companies.” 

The biggest settlements on the list stemmed from the Bonny Island bribery case, one of the biggest corruption cases in American history. It accounted for four of the top 10 companies: KBR; Technip, of France; JGC; and Snamprogetti Netherlands and its parent company, Eni, of Italy. The bribery, sweeping in scope and decades in duration, involved a $6 billion plan to bribe Nigerian officials to obtain engineering, procurement and construction contracts for a liquefied natural gas facility on Bonny Island in Nigeria. 

These settlements accounted for more than $1.6 billion in fines and penalties to the Justice Department and the Securities and Exchange Commission. On top of that, American and foreign executives involved in the bribery scandal faced criminal sentences. In February, Halliburton’s former chief executive, Albert J. Stanley, was sentenced to two and a half years in prison for his role in the scheme. 

“There are a lot of multinational corporations that are operating in high-risk environments,” Mr. Reinhard, the Washington lawyer, said. “In many of these countries, companies that are involved in oil or telecom or pharma are more likely to encounter foreign officials on a regular basis. They are your customers. That presents an opportunity in ways that dealing with other businessmen doesn’t.” 

A New York Times article
Published: September 3, 2012

Sunday, 1 January 2012

Forecasts for a future by Financial Times [London] writers [Extracts]

Will the eurozone survive intact?

Yes. The commitment of member governments and, above all, of the European Central Bank to maintain the eurozone looks strong enough to keep it together for another year, at least. The governments of vulnerable countries will continue their austerity drives. The impact will be cushioned by International Monetary Fund programmes in the cases of Greece, Ireland and Portugal and by increasing support from the ECB for all of them, via the battered banks rather than direct intervention in the public debt markets. We can also expect further cuts in ECB interest rates and a weaker euro, both of which should ease the pain. But the hairshirt approach is not going to work forever. At some point, the eurozone will have to return to strong growth, with relatively high inflation in the core nations, to accommodate the necessary adjustments in competitiveness of vulnerable countries. Austerity forever will almost certainly fail. But what is likely to be the grim austerity of 2012 should still work. Martin Wolf


Will the sovereign debt crisis hit the UK?

Yes. But that does not mean Britain will default. Instead of the expected recovery, growth has flatlined. That has forced the government to postpone meeting its public debt and deficit targets. Continued stagnation or a second recession could quickly worsen the debt dynamics further and trigger self-fulfilling fears among bond investors. If this happens, the government will be in a bind. It has tied itself so tightly to the mast of austerity that it cannot loosen its policies without scaring the markets. The Bank of England may expand its quantitative easing programme enough to keep gilt yields from soaring. But its help will not look pretty: sterling will fall and inflation will increase. While this will not upend UK public finances, it could sink the government’s re-election prospects. Martin Sandbu


Will the global economy grow faster in Q3 2012 than in Q3 2011?

No. The global economy is slowing and the threat of another worldwide recession is rising. European policymakers have demonstrated in 2011 that promises to do whatever it takes to save the euro were merely empty rhetoric. So the euro remains on a cliff edge and a mistake could send it tumbling over. That risk alone is enough to suggest 2012 will be a bad year for the global economy, with the possibility of a catastrophic collapse of the world’s largest economic area. Only if European politicians surprise us all with a comprehensive plan will the natural forces of recovery work to improve the economic outlook by this time next year. Chris Giles

Will the US begin to close the gap with China in manufacturing?

Yes. The US last year gave up its century-long title as the world’s biggest manufacturing country by output to China, whose climb up the global factory league table has been meteoric. But progress is slowing as China’s rising wage and energy costs make production options – at least for export – less favourable. In the US, local production is growing in response to customers’ desire for quick design changes and rapid delivery of orders. Many US manufacturers have also become more competitive by substituting brain power and capital for labour.

There is little evidence that China has come close to catching up with the US in the most technically demanding end of manufacturing. By the end of 2012, even if the US does not regain the top slot, it will have narrowed the gap with China in its share of world manufacturing production. Peter Marsh

For more on this please follow the link below



Thursday, 29 December 2011

The Global Finance Magazine Central Bank Governor rankings faulted

Performance rating does not do Central Bank of Kenya [CBK] governor justice


In a recent survey of sub-Saharan central bankers by Reuters analysts, Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) Governor Njuguna Ndung’u figures right at the bottom. Is Kenya’s chief economist all that bad, or was Reuters off the mark?

Unlike the Central Banker Report Card feature published annually by Global Finance since 1994, and which grades Central Bank Governors of 36 key countries (and the ECB) on an ‘A’ to ‘F’ scale for success in areas such as inflation control, economic growth goals, financial stability and interest rate management, the Reuters survey is based on subjective polling of sometimes biased market analysts.

Little is known of the criteria used and whether such surveys have been conducted in the past. It would have been nice to know what Prof Ndungu’s ratings, for example , were in each year of his first term in office when inflation and interest rates were in single digits and the currency was stable despite heavy government expenditure.

Irrespective of who does it, rating central bankers is not a brilliant idea as the conditions of each country differ and the central banker can only be rated on his own and cannot be compared with his peers.

It is difficult for anyone to compare the performance of central bank governors across jurisdictions. Their performance on inflation, currency stability or other parameters is possibly the result of local factors unrelated to what the central banker did. Prof Ndung’u has consistently kept local economic conditions in mind while determining monetary policy. The monetary policy response in Kenya since the post-election violence and since the global crisis has been calibrated to Kenya’s specific macroeconomic conditions and policy stance has been guided by considerations such as the need to consolidate recovery after the post-election violence, the fact that inflation was initially driven entirely by supply side factors and the need to support government borrowing to promote badly needed economic growth.

It is thus impossible to compare the monetary policy performance of the CBK’s governor to that of say, South Africa’s Reserve Bank governor, when the conditions and the needs of the two economies they manage are different

Reuters in its survey for example notes the fact that South Africa’s Gill Marcus emerged as the best central banker in their survey despite taking no major policy decisions in the whole of 2011. How can one then compare the performance of Gill who was flying her country’s economy on an auto pilot mode during 2011 with that of Ndung’u who was flying Kenya’s economic plane manually and in bad economic weather conditions caused by drought, famine, supply side failures, a bloated coalition government budget and a ballooning current account deficit?

The performance of a central bank governor cannot be based on monetary policy actions alone, especially those made at a snap short during his or her term. The CBK governor’s mandate also includes financial stability, promoting growth and acting as the government’s agent in debt management. When we rank a governor, how much weight do we then put on monetary policy, on financial inclusion, on financial stability, on economic growth or on financial reform?

Prof Ndungu’s responsibility in developing Kenya’s financial sector is as equally important as financial and price stability. A key part of the central bank’s role in the development of the finance industry is to ensure that the country’s poorest have access to adequate financial services in order to support balanced economic growth. It was correctly noted by Reuters that Prof Ndung’u had more success in expanding access to basic banking services, an important platform for broader economic growth, than any other central bank governor in Africa. This is what one of the more informed analysts had to say of Ndung’u:

“No other central bank governor in Africa has done as much for financial inclusion and in terms of innovation, falling rates of financial exclusion, the reach of microfinance banks and mobile banking, Kenya is streets ahead, even compared with South Africa.” How much of this was considered in ranking the governor then?

What about financial stability? Most of the governors ranked above Prof Ndung’u oversee far much less stable financial systems than Kenya’s banking industry. Didn’t the failures of financial regulation and supervision —rather than of monetary policy—lay at the heart of the global financial crisis that has now transformed itself into a sovereign crisis which is threatening the political stability of many nations?

How then does one brand the governor as being the worst in the region purely on the basis of some short term food driven inflation? Does a governor of a central bank become “ineffective” simply because the local currency has taken a hit that may be it deserves to take? The Indian Rupee is currently the worst performing in the world, having lost more than 25 per cent of its value this year and inflation has refused to come down despite the Reserve Bank of India(RBI) raising interest rates 11 times this year alone (something Prof Ndung’u has been accused of failing to do). Yet India is a country run by economists. The Prime Minister, the Finance Minister and the Reserve Bank Governor are all top notch economists. So does that make these guys bozos on the basis of this single factor?

The CBK has one of the most difficult jobs to perform. On the one hand, Kenya is an economy with a lot of potential to grow. On the other, many Kenyans live a hand-to- mouth existence. Any inflationary rise in the price of staples would bring much discontent and suffering yet at the same time, strong credit growth — which is inflationary by nature — is necessary to bring Kenya’s masses out of poverty. Navigating those two extremes is what the CBK has to do.

It is an extremely difficult task and sometimes accidents do happen when managing this balance. Prof Ndung’u, just like all other governors did and will at some stage, make policy mistakes. He will also be criticised for making certain policy decisions one way or another. What is not good to see however, is unfair criticisms from those who should know. It was unusual for example for Micah Cheserem, a former Governor of the CBK, to come out strongly and criticise a sitting Governor.
This hardly happens in other countries as central bankers usually have a lot of respect and empathy for one another given that they know the difficulty of the job at hand.

Mr Cheserem must remember that both Kenya’s economic ambitions and the global economic environment have changed since the days when he was on that hot seat. The benefits of hindsight are enormous — but also potentially misleading. If CBK had known ahead of time that it will experience supply side failures, severe drought and the effects of the eurozone crisis and the Arab Spring, the governor would no doubt have taken different policy decisions. But such considerations are not a meaningful guide to future policy. By their nature, economic shocks cannot be foreseen. And the worst of all came from the committee currently investigating the sharp depreciation of the shilling who are busy telling Kenyans that the recent depreciation of the shilling was engineered by the central bank itself and was meant to defraud Kenyans. That is absurd, to say the least.

27 December 2011

A Business Daily Africa Article under Politics and Policy by

Mr Mohamed Wehliye, Vice-President, Risk Management Division, Riyad Bank, Saudi Arabia


Sunday, 6 November 2011

What is in Greece's new austerity law?

A(Reuters) - Below is a list of the key measures included in Greece's new austerity law, which will be put to a vote in the country's parliament later this week.

Passage of the law is a must for the country to qualify for further rescue payments under its current EU/IMF bailout, as well as for a planned second bailout to be discussed at an EU summit on October 23.

PUBLIC SECTOR WAGE CUTS

For the first time in the country's 190-year history, all the country's 700,000 civil servants will be paid and promoted under the same set of rules, set out in a new wage scale.

The wage scale curtails basic salaries and abolishes a host of bonuses, leading to an average income cut of about 20 percent, according to estimates by public sector labor unions. This wage cut comes on top another 20-percent salary reduction passed under a previous austerity round last year.

Wages at public sector companies are set at 65 percent of their December 2009 level. The average wage cost per employee is capped at 1,900 euros a month.

The government's General Accounting Office (GAO) estimates that the single wage scale and the public sector wage caps will result in savings of about 2 billion euros a year.

PUBLIC SECTOR JOB CUTS

About 30,000 state workers will be put into a "Labor Reserve," where they will draw just 60 percent of their salaries. They will be laid off permanently if no other public sector job is found for them within a year.

About half of those likely to be assigned to the reserve are close to retirement, reducing the potential impact of the measure, but the government puts the savings next year at 300 million euros.

Labor MARKET REFORM

The law makes it easier for firms to cut their payroll costs by concluding company-level wage agreements. It does this by suspending wage bargaining at industry-wide, "sectoral" level. At least two ruling party members of parliament said they will vote against the measure if it is not watered down or withdrawn.

PENSION CUTS

The part of a pension that exceeds 1,000 euros ($1,387) a month will be cut by 20 percent. Pensioners below 55 years of age, mainly former police and army personnel, will suffer a 40 percent cut.

Supplementary pensions paid out to civil servants and by the country's biggest pension fund, IKA, will be cut by between 20 and 30 percent.

Pensions to former bank and state company employees will be cut by 15 percent.

Lump-sum payments to public sector employees upon retirement will be cut by between 20 and 30 percent.

According to GAO estimates, the pension cuts will save 235 million euros a year from the state budget and more than 1 billion euros from pension funds, which are run by the state.

TAX HIKES

The tax-free threshold is lowered to 5,000 euros a year from 8,000 euros. Tax credits on consumer spending will be curtailed.

A solidarity tax, which has already been announced earlier this year and equals between 1 and 5 percent of gross income, will be paid twice next year -- once on 2012 income and once, retroactively, on 2011 income.

(Reporting by Harry Papachristou)

FactBox: What is in Greece's new austerity law? (Reuters)

ATHEN(Reuters) - Below is a list of the key measures included in Greece's new austerity law, which will be put to a vote in the country's parliament later this week.

Passage of the law is a must for the country to qualify for further rescue payments under its current EU/IMF bailout, as well as for a planned second bailout to be discussed at an EU summit on October 23.

PUBLIC SECTOR WAGE CUTS

For the first time in the country's 190-year history, all the country's 700,000 civil servants will be paid and promoted under the same set of rules, set out in a new wage scale.

The wage scale curtails basic salaries and abolishes a host of bonuses, leading to an average income cut of about 20 percent, according to estimates by public sector labor unions. This wage cut comes on top another 20-percent salary reduction passed under a previous austerity round last year.

Wages at public sector companies are set at 65 percent of their December 2009 level. The average wage cost per employee is capped at 1,900 euros a month.

The government's General Accounting Office (GAO) estimates that the single wage scale and the public sector wage caps will result in savings of about 2 billion euros a year.

PUBLIC SECTOR JOB CUTS

About 30,000 state workers will be put into a "Labor Reserve," where they will draw just 60 percent of their salaries. They will be laid off permanently if no other public sector job is found for them within a year.

About half of those likely to be assigned to the reserve are close to retirement, reducing the potential impact of the measure, but the government puts the savings next year at 300 million euros.

Labor MARKET REFORM

The law makes it easier for firms to cut their payroll costs by concluding company-level wage agreements. It does this by suspending wage bargaining at industry-wide, "sectoral" level. At least two ruling party members of parliament said they will vote against the measure if it is not watered down or withdrawn.

PENSION CUTS

The part of a pension that exceeds 1,000 euros ($1,387) a month will be cut by 20 percent. Pensioners below 55 years of age, mainly former police and army personnel, will suffer a 40 percent cut.

Supplementary pensions paid out to civil servants and by the country's biggest pension fund, IKA, will be cut by between 20 and 30 percent.

Pensions to former bank and state company employees will be cut by 15 percent.

Lump-sum payments to public sector employees upon retirement will be cut by between 20 and 30 percent.

According to GAO estimates, the pension cuts will save 235 million euros a year from the state budget and more than 1 billion euros from pension funds, which are run by the state.

TAX HIKES

The tax-free threshold is lowered to 5,000 euros a year from 8,000 euros. Tax credits on consumer spending will be curtailed.

A solidarity tax, which has already been announced earlier this year and equals between 1 and 5 percent of gross income, will be paid twice next year -- once on 2012 income and once, retroactively, on 2011 income.

(Reporting by Harry Papachristou)